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The Movement to Bring Death Closer

Heidi Boucher loaded two big straw baskets into her Toyota Highlander. She always kept them packed, ready for death. Inside were a pair of leather work gloves and a hammer, a bunch of bed pads, a few adult diapers (dead bodies sometimes leak), Q-tips for cleaning ears, noses and mouths and for applying lipstick, cotton balls, disinfectant spray, a plastic zip bag of safety pins to help drape silk and other fabrics around a gurney or casket, a small screwdriver to tightly close a casket, latex gloves, a hairbrush and oils infused with rose, lavender and rosemary.
Boucher also had her black attaché case of paperwork on funeral planning, which included a few funeral-home price lists for cremation and other services, as well as the files of 20 or so clients who had already made plans for Boucher to help with their bodies after death. Among them was Susan L’Heureux, a 79-year-old wife, mother, grandmother, reading teacher at a community college, lover of nature, spontaneity and books. L’Heureux had died about an hour earlier in her home in Oakland, Calif., and Boucher was on her way to her.
Over the last few decades, Boucher has helped more than 100 families take care of loved ones’ bodies in the hours and days after death. Some of their deaths were long expected, whether from cancer, multiple sclerosis or another chronic disease. But she also helps families with the sudden, inconceivable loss. The teenager who jumped from the Golden Gate Bridge. The man who shot himself. The children and adults killed in car and motorcycle accidents. The people who died of drug overdoses. They have been atheists, Christians, Buddhists, Jews.
Boucher, who describes herself as a home death-care guide, is in her mid-50s, with an earthy, hip style — dark hair piled loosely atop her head, a stack of gold bangles on her left wrist, silver hoop earrings, chunky black glasses. The oldest daughter of five and a mother of three adult children, she has a maternal warmth and deep-set blue eyes that draw people to share their confidences. For the grieving, Boucher likens death care to walking into a pool, “to avoid the shock of jumping into the cold. Some people like jumping into the cold. But virtually everyone who has had a conventional funeral and later comes to me says that they wish they had more time.”
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Susan L’Heureux wanted her children and husband to have time. She had been living with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, A.L.S., for a few years. Her legs stopped working. Next, her arms. Then her breathing became more difficult, and she had trouble swallowing.
She knew she wanted to be cremated. And though she typically had strong opinions, she left the funeral details up to her family. When we talked late last year, Susan was in her bedroom overlooking a golf course and a group of trees, including her favorite redwood. “I’m glad I’m not going to be whisked away and waxed up in a funeral home,” she said. Her daughter, Suzanne, an art-history teacher and a gallery owner, had heard about Boucher from someone at her daughter’s school. She had also watched a documentary on home funerals called “In the Parlor: The Final Goodbye,” written, directed and produced by Boucher. (Boucher, who lives in Fair Oaks, Calif., is also an independent TV-and-film and production designer.) She was intrigued. In part it reminded her of home birth, which she experienced with her youngest child. Each seemed about “reclaiming the most fundamental aspects of life,” she said.
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Caring for her mother in death would be an extension of what Suzanne did during the last years of her mother’s life. Her older brother, David, agreed. So did her father, Conrad, a thoughtful man who favors plaid button-down shirts and keeps reading glasses perched on his almost bald head. A former priest, he had long been interested in Buddhism and open to creative rituals. When he was a religious-studies professor, his favorite class was “The Inner Journey in Myth, Bible and Literature,” in which he had students keep personal journals and led them through guided imagery.
It was a Friday afternoon in late February when Boucher arrived at Conrad and Susan’s apartment with a bunch of flowers, her baskets and a chest holding 25 pounds of dry ice. David and Suzanne were in the living room with Conrad, along with Suzanne’s two children, Miles, 15, and Lila, 10. Everyone was tired but calm. After Boucher sat down, they told her about the last day of Susan’s life, how she was surrounded by the family, how they put their hands on her as she took her last breaths.
Then the adults took Boucher back to the bedroom, where Susan lay in her bed under a blanket that David bought for her, imprinted with four large photos of Susan, Conrad, their children and grandchildren. Boucher approached her silently, touching one of her feet, as a way to connect to her. She asked everyone to gather washcloths and a couple of basins with warm water. When Boucher wondered if Susan had a favorite scent, Suzanne mentioned rose, and Boucher added rose oil to the water. Over the last year, Suzanne had regularly massaged her mother’s face and temples with rose oil. It had become an aroma of mother-daughter love.
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Then Boucher lit a candle and began to guide the family. For the sake of ease, they cut off Susan’s shirt. Next, Boucher asked if everyone was O.K. if she pulled back the blanket, and as she did, she covered Susan’s breasts and genitals with towels. Conrad dipped a washcloth into the warm water and washed down along one side of his wife’s body. Suzanne, on the other side, put a washcloth to her face, along her neck, down her arm. All her life, Suzanne loved her mother’s skin, the way it looked, the way it felt. Though she was grieving, touching and tending to her felt soothing. They dipped and washed and dipped back into the warm water again, before patting her skin dry.

In the months before his mother’s death, David was unsure what his role would be after she died. He knew only that he wanted to be in the room with his mother and to support his sister and father. He had taken care of his mother a couple of weeks a month, flying up from Los Angeles, where he works as an editor at ESPN. Toward the end of her life, he was with her nearly full time. Though his father, his sister and home health aides had somewhat more physical intimacy with her body, he helped with most aspects of her care. As he stood at the bottom of the bed watching them wash her, David picked up his own cloth and began to press it along his mother’s ankles and her feet.
That evening in the bedroom, Suzanne and her daughter, Lila, looked through Susan’s closet for her final outfit. Lila picked a green button-up sweater and a pair of slacks that her grandmother liked. Boucher then showed Suzanne and Conrad how to gather the sleeves of the sweater and pull them up Susan’s arms, as if dressing a small child. It was easier now than it would be in several hours after rigor mortis set in, stiffening her muscles and joints for hours, before they relaxed again. And it was also easier than it had been in the last weeks, when Susan’s pain often grew intense. “Could you imagine trying to do this two days ago?” David said. “She would have pitched a fit.”
David helped with her pants and slipped warm socks on his mother’s feet. Suzanne brushed her hair. To prevent Susan’s jaw from falling open, which happens as the muscles relax, Boucher and Suzanne placed her head on a pillow and tucked a rolled towel under her chin.
While the family took a break in the living room, Boucher went to the balcony with her ice chest. Using her hammer, she broke the dry ice into three-inch-thick chunks. She wrapped each chunk in a piece of bed pad and placed the packets along Susan’s body, from her armpits down to her hips. She put some on her stomach and a small one under her head. Suzanne still wasn’t sure how long to keep her home. Though Boucher’s clients typically choose three days, for spiritual or religious reasons or because that’s when they feel they’ll be ready to part with the body, Suzanne thought that three days might be too “woo-woo.” Regardless, the ice, along with the open windows, would keep her body cool and slow down its decomposition.
Later that night, Suzanne headed home with her family, while David slept in the guest room. Conrad got under a down comforter on a narrow wooden bed near Susan’s, where he had slept for weeks. He had designed the bed and built it with his son-in-law, Tony, Suzanne’s husband; it was just the height of Susan’s hospital bed, allowing him to hold her hand at night. It was also narrow enough that he could tuck it away in the morning, leaving room for him, a hospice nurse or a home health aide to care for Susan.
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When Conrad awoke the next morning, he went through his usual routine. He made coffee. He looked at his favorite news websites. He did it all quickly, anticipating that at any moment, Susan would call out to him. She would need him for breakfast, for his companionship. Instead, that morning there was silence, and then Conrad remembered she was gone.

In the United States, we have come to see death as an emergency. We call the doctors, the nurses, the police, the emergency workers, the funeral staff to take over for us. They hurry corpses from hospital rooms or bedrooms into designated, chilled death spaces. They dig and fill the graves for us and drive our loved ones, alone, to the crematories. They turn on the furnace, lift the bodies, close the dooThere may be no other rite of passage around which we have become more passive. We carefully vet the doctors or midwives who will deliver our babies. We pore over options for wedding venues and officiants. But often we don’t plan for death. So when it arrives, we take what’s easily available. In a 2016 survey by the National Funeral Directors Association, 81 percent of respondents said they called only one funeral home before making their decision. If death practices reveal a culture’s values, we choose convenience, outsourcing, an aversion to knowing and seeing too muWe used to live far closer to death. If you died before the turn of the 20th century, women from your family and your community would lay you on a table or a bed. They would wash you, dress you in simple clothes, comb your hair, clip a lock of it to wear in a necklace. As men dug your grave, family and friends would sit beside you, reciting prayers, singing, surrounding you with candles and flowers to help ward off the odor from your decomposing corpse, while the children came and went, unshielded from the inevitability of death and decay. And when it was time for your body to go, your family would wrap you in a shroud or a winding sheet, often made of wool or cashmere, and place you into a wood coffin, a six-sided burial box tapered at the feet and head. (The word “casket,” in contrast, is now used in the funeral industry to refer to a four-sided burial box.) Finally, a group would carry your coffin on their shoulders to the backyard or the town cemetery and, after a small service, lower you into a newly dug hole in the ground. The whole process demanded work, attention, a reckoniThat began to change during the Civil War. For the first time in the United States, men died en masse, far from family. Families who could afford to shipped the bodies back home. But the train trips were long — some railways began to refuse decomposing bodies in wood coffins — and families wanted their sons, brothers and husbands looking as preserved as possible, as Drew Gilpin Faust recounts in “This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War.” Surgeons, undertakers and others began performing rudimentary embalming of soldiers using arsenic, zinc chloride or other ingredients. It was President Abraham Lincoln’s death, though, that introduced embalming to the general public. His embalmed body was on display in Washington for nearly a week and then traveled by train for two more weeks, making frequent stops for viewings, ending up in Springfield, Ill. Initially, observers noted that his face was remarkably lifelike. A few days in, as one New York editor wrote, Lincoln, who was re-embalmed multiple times during the journey, was a “ghastly shadow.”
The funeral industry emerged over the following decades — faster in urban areas than in rural ones. In 1890, there were 9,891 funeral directors in the United States; 30 years later, the figure had more than doubled, despite the fact that the death rate had dropped substantially, as Gary Laderman, a professor of religion at Emory University, writes in “Rest in Peace: A Cultural History of Death and Funeral Homes in 20th-Century America.”
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By the 1930s, with increasing numbers of people dying in hospitals instead of homes, death became professionalized. Funeral-industry groups had lobbied state legislatures to create laws about who could prepare and bury bodies. And embalmed bodies, which funeral directors promoted as sanitary, medical and therefore necessary, became the centerpieces of funerals. Funeral directors, not families, became the new death experts.
Embalming was performed on a majority of corpses by the middle of the 20th century. Now, experts estimate, about 50 percent of dead bodies in the United States are embalmed (the funeral industry doesn’t publish statistics). During a roughly three-hour process, the embalmer washes the body with a disinfectant solution and massages and moves the limbs to loosen the stiffness from rigor mortis. He — most funeral directors are men, though the number of women is rising — “sets” the facial features. He closes the eyelids, sometimes using adhesive glue or a plastic eye cap, and the mouth, suturing or sewing the jaw to the gums.
Next, he cuts into the base of the throat, near the clavicle, to reach a carotid artery and inserts a small tube through which a machine that looks like an oversize blender pumps several gallons of embalming fluid into the body. The fluid, a tinted potion of formaldehyde and other chemicals (some funeral homes now offer a nonformaldehyde alternative), is designed to erase the natural pallor of death and plump up the skin. From a nearby vein, he is meanwhile draining the blood. Finally, before fixing the hair, applying cosmetics and dressing the body in clothes chosen by family members or friends, he makes one more incision, this one in the lower abdomen. He inserts a tube attached to a trocar, a long, sharp surgical instrument, to puncture the intestines, the stomach, the lungs and the bladder and suction out fluids and gases, replacing them with a stronger mix of embalming fluids.

When Jessica Mitford wrote her 1963 best-selling investigation into the funeral industry, “The American Way of Death,” she was particularly critical of embalming and claimed that funeral directors were little more than swindlers, peddling products and services that people didn’t need and couldn’t afford. More than a decade later, the Federal Trade Commission held public hearings on opaque pricing and other funeral-industry problems, with thousands of comments submitted by a frustrated and angry public. It wasn’t until 1984, over the objections of the funeral industry, that the F.T.C. created the Funeral Rule, which, among other things, requires funeral directors to give prices by phone and disclose that, aside from special exceptions in some states, embalming is not required by law.
Though the industry has improved from Mitford’s days, many funeral homes still promote embalming. They say it’s the choice that brings you peace of mind and preserves the body (it delays but doesn’t stop decomposition), while creating the “best possible appearance.” One funeral arranger told me she was trained at a large Los Angeles funeral home to tell customers that not embalming was illegal, “because of the danger to you and the danger to your family.” In reality, a vast majority of people die of noncommunicable diseases, and in general, people are more contagious alive than dead.
A symbiotic relationship has developed between our cultural assumptions about what constitutes the “right” funeral and the funeral industry’s interests, notes Tanya Marsh, a professor at Wake Forest University School of Law, who specializes in funeral and cemetery law. “We were complicit in handing over control of this sphere of life to a profit-making industry. If we don’t like it, we can take it back.”

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