Fifty years after Nixon's historic visit to China, questions hang over the US-China future
When US President Richard Nixon walked down the red-carpeted stairs from Air Force One to shake hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai on a cold day in Beijing on February 21, 1972, it was hailed by many as a world-changing gesture.
Nixon's
 arrival -- the first time an American President had set foot on Chinese
 soil since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 
-- came after more than 20 years of hostility and almost no contact 
between the two countries. 
The
 eight-day visit would open the door for the formation of diplomatic 
relations between the world's richest country and its most populous. It 
would also reshape the world order as it was known: shifting the power 
dynamics of the Cold War and playing a part in China's transition from 
impoverished isolation to a new role as a growing global power broker 
and economic partner to the United States.
But 50 years on, that milestone is likely to be marked by little fanfare from Beijing or Washington. 
Instead,
 the anniversary of Nixon's historic visit comes at a low point in 
US-China relations. Many in Washington now view China as a growing 
economic and military threat, while an increasingly assertive and 
nationalistic China under leader Xi Jinping has pushed back on what it 
sees as American interference in its affairs and region. Strained ties 
have narrowed leeway for cooperation -- with the US even keeping its 
diplomats home from Beijing's Olympics earlier this month in protest of 
China's human rights record.
The
 self-governing island of Taiwan also remains a potential conflict area,
 with Beijing's ambassador to Washington describing it earlier this year
 as the "biggest tinder-box" between the two sides.
As
 the 50th anniversary of Nixon's visit approached, Beijing and 
Washington gave no indication major commemorations were in store, and 
any official activity will be a far cry from the 30th anniversary when 
then-President George W. Bush marked the occasion in a visit to Beijing.
 
Today's
 subdued efforts contrast with the diplomatic fanfare surrounding the 
meeting 50 years ago, when Zhou, the skillful statesman of aging Chinese
 leader Chairman Mao Zedong, declared "the gate to friendly contact" had
 been opened, as he toasted the American President, first lady and their
 entourage in an elaborate banquet in the Great Hall of the People. 
"(Nixon's
 visit) has to be one of the most important turning points in 20th 
century history -- perhaps the most important in the post-World War II 
era," said Scott Kennedy, senior adviser in Chinese business and 
economics at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) 
in Washington.   
That
 one "could even envisage a meeting of the minds that would transform 
international politics" was remarkable, said Kennedy, pointing to gaping
 differences in ideology between the nations -- China, as a Communist 
country in the midst of the Cultural Revolution, and a US that had been 
bent on containing the spread of Communism.    
A
 diplomatic relationship with the US -- formalized in 1979 -- would also
 have vast implications for China, according to Suisheng Zhao, director 
of the Center for China-US Cooperation at the University of Denver's 
Josef Korbel School of International Studies. 
"The
 US held the key for China's modernization, so China benefited from this
 immensely... Without the US, I don't think you would see China as a big
 power today," he said.
Road to Shanghai
At
 the time, the visit was a phenomenon. Images beamed back to the US 
showing the American President touring the Great Wall with first lady 
Pat Nixon and reporters visiting "communes" in Beijing were some of the 
first most Americans had seen of Communist China.  
American reporter Dan Rather, who was among a cohort of press accompanying the presidential delegation, later said
 in a documentary by the University of Southern California's US-China 
Institute that traveling to China was like "leaving Earth and going deep
 into the cosmos of some distant planet."
For
 the Chinese, the welcome of the American President -- who appeared on 
the front page of the People's Daily meeting with Mao -- broke with 
years of anti-American propaganda.  
"Mao
 and Nixon were total (ideological) opposites. It's ironic that they 
reached the same conclusion at the same time to have a historical 
breakthrough in relations," said Xu Guoqi, a professor of history at the
 University of Hong Kong (HKU).  
The
 risks were high for both leaders. In China, the US was a recent enemy 
in the Korean War and a constant target of propaganda. The US was 
navigating a complex set of post-World War II relationships in Asia and 
would face questions from its allies.
The
 US had also since 1949 recognized a different government of China: the 
one led by General Chiang Kai-shek, who fled with his nationalist forces
 to the island of Taiwan after Mao's Red Army took the upper hand in 
China's Civil War.
The
 separation between Beijing and Washington was so great that even 
finding a channel of communication to broach the meeting was an exercise
 in trial and error -- only coming to pass after help from a Pakistani 
President acting as an intermediary, Chinese goodwill toward a US ping 
pong team, and a secret 1971 trip to China by Nixon adviser Henry 
Kissinger.  
But
 anti-Communist Nixon and Communist revolutionary Mao "were both very 
realistic leaders. They had concrete cards they needed to play," said 
Xu.  
A common enemy
For
 Nixon, these were recalibrating relations to help him extricate the US 
Army from the costly and unpopular Vietnam War. For Mao, there was an 
interest in gaining global recognition for his government over Chiang's 
opposing claim from Taiwan. 
But there was also a shared concern that helped propel both leaders into their meeting in 1972.   
"The
 US and China were able to overcome their antipathy to reach this 
détente only because of their common foe -- the Soviet Union," said 
CSIS's Kennedy. "Short of that, there would not have been this détente."
   
Xu
 of HKU points to border conflicts that had emerged between the 
Communist neighbors: "(Mao) concluded that...he needed someone to help 
China deal with the Soviet Union," he said.  
In
 meetings that took place between touring the Great Wall, Ming Dynasty 
tombs, and the idyllic West Lake of Hangzhou, the two sides hammered out
 the final details of an agreement known as the Shanghai Communique.   
In
 it, the US "acknowledged" in careful language "that all Chinese on 
either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China." Both 
sides agreed to work toward normalizing relations and reducing risks of 
conflict internationally. It would be the first of three major 
communiques in a decade to build the framework of the relationship. 
After the diplomacy was done, Nixon gave a final toast during a banquet at Shanghai's Jinjiang Hotel.   
"If
 we can find common ground on which we can both stand, where we can 
build the bridge between us and build a new world, generations in the 
years ahead will look back and thank us for this meeting that we have 
held in this past week," he said.  
Détente over?
Five
 decades later, US-China ties have changed beyond recognition, becoming 
deeply intertwined in areas from economy to education.
But
 in recent years, mutual suspicion has grown, fanned in the US under the
 former presidency of Donald Trump, whose administration labeled China a
 "strategic competitor" in 2017 and in an increasingly assertive China 
under leader Xi Jinping.
"The
 combination of China being much more powerful and its identity being 
more conservative and nationalist has put us at loggerheads again, even 
though there are way more similarities between our societies than there 
were 50 years ago," said Kennedy. 
The US has balked not only at what it calls unfair economic practices, but also decried Beijing's crackdown on freedoms in Hong Kong, labeled its treatment of Uyghur and other Muslim minorities in the country's far western region of Xinjiang a genocide, and strengthened its unofficial relationship with the now-democratically governed Taiwan amid increased aggression from Beijing.
China, meanwhile, has
 denied rights violations, rebuked what it calls American meddling in 
its internal affairs and said the US is "playing with fire on the Taiwan
 issue."
In a video meeting
 between US President Joe Biden and Xi in November, widely seen as a 
chance to reset relations, Biden stressed the need for "guardrails to 
ensure that competition does not veer into conflict." The two sides 
agreed to keep in close communication on global issues, but staying 
tough on China has become a rare bipartisan issue in a politically 
divided US.
In
 a faxed response to a request for comment on commemorations of the 50th
 anniversary, a spokesperson for China's Foreign Ministry on Friday told
 CNN the countries "should follow the spirit and consensus" of that 
video meeting, to "strengthen communication, manage differences, advance
 cooperation and bring China-US relations back to the track of steady 
development." 
"The
 valuable historical experience embodied in President Nixon's visit to 
China and the issuance of the Shanghai Communique are of great practical
 significance to the development of China-US relations at present," the 
spokesperson said, adding that China and the US would "hold a series of 
commemorative activities in the near future" with details to be released
 "in due course."   
University
 of Denver's Zhao said today's diplomacy could take note from the smart 
maneuvering from both sides in Nixon's era. "Today we don't have such 
diplomats, only warriors...both sides try to win. Of course you can win,
 but you have to give and take, that's diplomacy."  
"For two big powers like China and the US, you have no choice but to work together," he said. 
Kennedy
 points to another complexity -- the growing relationship between Xi and
 Russian President Vladimir Putin, who earlier this month pledged no "forbidden" areas in their cooperation.
"In
 some ways, (Xi and Putin's) announcement in Beijing is a bookend to the
 Shanghai Communique issued 50 years prior...we have reached the end of 
that strategy and that period by the fact that Russia and China are now 
clearly much closer to each other than either one of them is to the US,"
 said Kennedy.  
That
 may be one reason why any celebrations that do happen in either capital
 will be "highly muted," he said. "For some, it will simply be about 
nostalgia."  
 
 
 




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